Angola Negotiations between DRC and Rwanda: We propose the security and the protection of Rwandan refugees in DRC

WE OFFER PROTECTION AND SECURITY OF THE FDLR BUT NOT NEUTRALIZATION: THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN DRC AND RWANDA SHOULD FOCUS ON THE EFFECTIVE PROTECTION OF RWANDA REFUGEES IN DRCONGO

Picture of Rwandan Refugees who fled to DRCongo during the genocide in 1994, how can we call all these people criminals

I find this opportunity to share with you certain elements about the FDLR which Rwanda and the International Community brandish as a pretext to justify this war against the DRC. We again remind that the solutions on the FDLR are found internally in the DRC and this should not be the subject in Luanda. These solutions are based on the Congolese Policy for the management of Refugees on its territory.

I would also like to encourage the government and all actors who doubt the existence of the FDLR to believe because the FDLR has existed on Congolese soil for a long time. So on this point first at the level of the DRC it would be better to organize internal discussions to exchange and harmonize between ourselves, and on this point we agree with Rwanda, the African Union, the European Union and the United Nations on the existence of FDLR on Congolese soil.

The divisive issues are above all:

1. Who are the FDLR?

For the Congolese Government we do not exactly have a real clear position, sometimes the spokesperson for the Congolese Government argues that the FDLR are negative Rwandan forces who participated in the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, which is false then the DRC should exactly define a clear position on the FDLR. For Rwanda, the FDLR is anyone who fled Rwanda in 1994 and is in the DRC, for Rwanda the FDLR is also the descendants of the Rwandans who fled in 1994, for Rwanda the FDLR is anyone who refuses to return to Rwanda currently under the regime of Paul Kagame, for Rwanda the FDLR is anyone who criticizes the current government of Paul Kagame, and finally for Rwanda the FDLR is a group of genocidaires of 1994, so on this last point of genocidaire we find exactly the same definition from Patrick Muyaya, but where can we find this information?

For the UN, the African Union and the European Union, the FDLR are genocidaires currently well armed against the regime of Paul Kagame, they must be neutralized,

For the FDLR themselves, they define themselves as a group of refugees who have no protection and who have organized themselves to protect themselves and other refugees and even the Congolese populations against military attacks by Rwanda since 1996 until Now, and at the same time they want to return home to Rwanda, why reject this definition in Luanda?

For us the Congolese population: The FDLR are Rwandan refugees on Congolese soil who are fighting for the liberation of their country Rwanda and for their security here in the DRC,

NB: With all these definitions we find that there is an urgent need to organize a National Conference on the FDLR Issue in the DRC, and also a Regional Conference, an African Conference and an International Conference on the FDLR issue to form a consensus,

2. How are the FDLR dangerous for Rwanda?

On this question also the Congolese Government is not clear, however President Felix Tshisekedi had also asked this question to the UN during the Summit in New York in 2022 but currently it seems that the Congolese government has already changed the position on this question BUT what elements does the Government have to change its position?, and so far no one has given any evidence proving that the FDLR are harmful to Rwanda. However, for Rwanda, the African Union, the European Union and the UN, the FDLR are a danger for Rwanda’s security but unfortunately this has not been proven. Should we decide on unproven things? For Rwanda and for the African Union, the European Union and the UN, the FDLR are a danger for the Tutsi Communities in Greater Kivu and for the return of Tutsi refugees but this too is not proven, so that there are also disputes over the identity of the Tutsi populations in Greater Kivu. The security of every person on Congolese soil is a duty of the Congolese government, and not a request from Rwanda, the return of refugees is also an internal matter of the DRC.

For the Congolese population and for the FDLR themselves, things are very different, the FDLR are not a danger either for the Congolese population or for Rwanda. This does not mean that the FDLR does not commit serious human rights violations on Congolese soil, that is another matter.

3. Why the neutralization of the FDLR and what exactly does that mean?

All the Actors involved, that is to say the Congolese Government, Rwanda, the African Union, the European Union and the United Nations are pushing for the neutralization of the FDLR but what exactly does this mean in concrete terms? Where are the FDLR that must be neutralized? How to tell the difference between the FDLR and the Congolese?  And so far no one is providing information on neutralization. How can we neutralize people who ask for protection and security on Congolese soil, and who ask to return home to Rwanda?

The real question would be on the protection of Rwandan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo and this should in principle be the definition of the neutralization of the FDLR by the Congolese Government. If the question of Refugee Protection is not raised in Luanda, then we seem to be wasting our time for nothing. We proposed that the protection of Rwandan refugees is possible in the DRC especially through the establishment of a new law, the establishment of a credible Congolese institution for the management of refugees and the establishment of credible facilitators for the protection of refugees. The idea of ​​moving Rwandan refugees away from the border with Rwanda started in 1994 finds a consensus of everyone, even Rwanda agrees on this, even if this is a question of national sovereignty the DRC in the also interest in this approach. In North Kivu generally the Territories of Lubero and Walikale would be best placed for Rwandan Refugee Camps, in South Kivu, the Territories of Shabunda, Kalima, and Fizi would be best placed to receive Rwandan Refugees but also Provinces like Maniema , Ituri, and Tanganyika are very well placed to resolve this problem.

4. How do actors find information about the FDLR and is this information credible?

The FDLR live together with the Congolese population and in several cases they are very mixed, so we cannot have clear information on the FDLR if we have not really involved the Congolese population at the base, and if we have not not involved the Rwandan refugees themselves. So we think that what people are talking about the FDLR is not credible.

Our position

The FDLR Army movement was created in 2000 here in the East of the DRC to fight against the massacres of Rwandan refugees especially by Rwanda, the FDLR are generally made up of Rwandan refugees whose objective is to secure Rwandan refugees in the Grand Kivu, when it was created, the FDLR also had the support of former genocidaires and often they led the others but a large number are refugees. The great strength of FDLR is based on the policy of refugee protection, with this policy it is very easy to mobilize other refugees to join the fight, and generally for the more than 95% of Rwandan refugees who are in the FDLR the objective is not to return to Rwanda but rather to protect against Rwanda on Congolese soil.

In short, for us the FDLR are Rwandan refugees seeking security and protection on Congolese soil and efforts should focus on their protection and security.

5. Why do we refuse to recognize the FDLR as Rwandan refugees, who benefits from this?

Refusing to recognize the FDLR as refugees is also the big political error that the Actors continue to commit, and this pushes us to make bad decisions such as neutralization. The policy should then evolve to integrate the two demands of FDLR into the initiatives taken.

6. Why the policy of criminalizing each person in the FDLR?

This policy of criminalizing everyone in the FDLR has brought us nowhere since 1996 until now with the new policy of neutralization in Luanda. We only offer a policy based on protection and security.

Thank you very much

Kulihoshi Musikami Pecos,

Human Rights Defender, Refugee Rights Specialist in the Great Lakes Region

Tel: +243853191163

Email: musikami2018@gmail.com